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原文作者： Yoshihiro Nikaidō

图书标签:

• Asian Religions
• Folk Religion
• Cultural Exchange
• Religious Syncretism
• Asian Culture
• Ritual Studies
• Popular Religion
• East Asia
• Southeast Asia
• Religious Pluralism

This book uses a cultural interaction approach to discuss numerous temples and shrines of Sinitic origin that house Daoist, Buddhist, and folk gods. Such deities were transmitted outside the Chinese continent, or were introduced from other regions and syncretized. Examples include temple guardian gods that arrived in Japan from China and later became deified as part of the Five Mountain system, and a Daoist deity that transformed into a god in Japan after syncretizing with Myōken Bosatsu. The profoundly different images of Ksitigarbha in China and Japan are discussed, as well as Mt. Jiuhua, the center of Ksitigarbha in modern China. Lastly, the process by which Sinitic gods were transmitted to regions outside of the Chinese continent, such as Taiwan, Singapore, and Okinawa, is explored.

作者简介

　　Yoshihiro Nikaidō is Professor of Asian Cultural studies at the Kansai University, Japan.

Foreword
 
Section I: Cultural Interaction and Sinitic Gods in Japanese Buddhist Temples
 
Chapter 1: Temple Guardian Gods in the Sino-Japanese Five Mountain Temple System and Cultural Interaction
 
Chapter 2: Temple Guardian Gods of the Ōbaku School of Zen Buddhism and Cultural Interaction
 
Chapter 3: Cultural Interaction: Myōken Bosatsu 妙见神 and the God Zhenwu 真武
 
Chapter 4: Differences and Cultural Interaction between the Japanese and Chinese Bodhisattva Ksitigarbha
 
Section II: Travels and Cultural Interaction of the Gods in Asia
 
Chapter 1: Temples and Cultural Interaction in Taiwan and Singapore
 
Chapter 2: Sinitic Gods and Cultural Interaction in Nagasaki and Okinawa
 
Conclusion

Foreword

　　This book discusses numerous temples and shrines of Sinitic origin through the methodology of cultural interaction. The subjects of analysis are several Daoist and Buddhist gods, folk gods, and Bodhisattvas, but nearly all are limited to gods that were transmitted and deified outside the Chinese continent, or were introduced from other regions and syncretized.

　　In the first section, “Cultural Interaction and Sinitic Gods in Japanese 　Buddhist Temples,” I consider mainly the deities and Bodhisattvas that were introduced to Japan. In Chapter 1 of Section I, “Temple Guardian Gods in the Sino-Japanese Five Mountain System and Cultural Interaction,” I discuss such temple guardian gods as Zhaobao Qilang Dadi and Cishan Zhang Dadi, which arrived in Kamakura-period Japan from Southern Song China, and later came to be deified as part of the Five Mountain system. In contrast to Japan, belief in these gods later waned in China.

　　Huaguang Dadi (Kakō Taitei), treated in Chapter 2, “Temple Guardian Gods of the Ōbaku School of Zen Buddhism and Cultural Interaction,” arrived in Japan at the beginning of the Edo period together with the Ōbaku School of Zen Buddhism. Statues of these temple guardian gods were later built  throughout Japan, but their origin has been forgotten. Belief in Huaguang declined in China during the Qing period.

　　In Chapter 3, “Cultural Interaction: Myōken Bosatsu and the God Zhenwu,” I analyze how Zhenwu Daodi was transformed from the Daoist deity Xuanwu of antiquity to becoming an object of worship in Japan after syncretizing with Myōken Bosatsu.

　　In Chapter 4, “Differences and Cultural Interaction between the Japanese and Chinese Bodhisattva Ksitigarbha,” I examine the profoundly different images of Ksitigarbha in China and Japan as well as how the gods are deified. I also discuss Mt. Jiuhua, which is currently the center of Ksitigarbha in modern China.

　　In Section II, “Travels and Cultural Interaction of the Gods in Asia,” I discuss the process by which Sinitic gods were transmitted to regions outside of the Chinese continent and subsequently became objects of worship in various areas of Asia.

　　In Chapter 1 of Section II, “Temples and Cultural Interaction in Taiwan and Singapore,” I consider the gods worshipped in the current temples of Taiwan and Singapore as a basis upon which to examine the origins of belief in the Fujian and Guangdong regions. The gods discussed in this chapter include Baosheng Dadi, Kaizhang Shenwang, and Guangze Zunwang.

　　In Chapter 2 of this section, “Sinitic Gods and Cultural Interaction in Nagasaki and Okinawa,” I analyze still extant Sinitic temples such as Chinese temples in Nagasaki and the Shisei Confucian Temple in Naha, Okinawa.

　　Other scholars have, of course, also researched these deities; this book could not have been written without their seminal work. The methodology of cultural interaction studies, however, is new and should provide fresh insights into the field. Take, for example, Zhaobao Qilang, covered in Chapter 1, Section I. This god was a popular object of worship from the Song through the Yuan periods in the Zhejiang region, and arrived in Japan during the Kamakura period as part of the Five Mountain culture. Belief in this deity subsequently waned in China, and now there are almost no traces of temples to this god remaining in China. Consequently, there has been no research done on Zhaobao Qilang from the perspectives of Daoism or folk religion. Rather, research has been conducted within the paradigms of Zen Buddhism, art history, or Sino-Japanese intercultural history. Scholarship on Zhaobao Qilang is also found in works on popular Chinese literature. The point here is that research has extended over many fields. I believe that in order to research a deity of this character it is necessary to analyze the subject by using the inclusive approach of cultural interaction studies.

　　I personally believe that the advantage of cultural interaction studies is that it encompasses pluralistic approaches to scholarship and fieldwork. To use the example of Zhaobao Qilang again, written records are nearly non-existent; all that remains are statues in Japanese Zen Buddhist temples and some remnants in Chinese temples. There are even cases in which the monks themselves do not know the identity of this god. This phenomenon compelled me to visit the temples in question myself to verify the identity of the statues. Fortunately, there was still a statue of Zhaobao Qilang at Ayuwang Temple in Ningbo, China. It had mistakenly been identified as a statue of King Asoka. Thus, one of the most crucial methodologies involved in cultural interaction studies is to match written records with on-site investigations.

　　I also felt that electronic repositories were essential to my research. As mentioned earlier, cultural interaction studies require research that cuts across various fields, but if there are many divergent fields involved, the amount of documentation naturally becomes overwhelming. It is also quite difficult to search for materials outside of one’s area of expertise. In order to address this problem, it is necessary to process large amounts of data in a short period using available electronic tools. To return again to the example of Zhaobao Qilang, I was able to ascertain through searching Kansai University’s repository, the Database of Chinese Classic Ancient Books (Zhongguo Jiben Gujiku, that there was reference to the deity in an anthology by a Song period literati. Such a discovery would have been impossible without recourse to the database. Of course, problems arise when one uses the search engine without due circumspection.

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《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》是一本让我耳目一新的著作，其最大的贡献在于它打破了我过去对“宗教”概念的固有认知。我过去总以为宗教是严肃、教条，并且有明确的组织体系的。但这本书让我看到，在亚洲的许多地方，宗教的形态是如此的灵活、多元，并且与日常生活紧密地交织在一起。作者对于“文化互动”的探讨，更是将这种理解推向了更深层次。他并没有将不同文化之间的交流视为一场零和博弈，而是强调了其间存在的复杂性、协商性，甚至是一种共生关系。例如，书中关于泰国北部地区，佛教僧侣如何与当地的巫医（mor phi）合作，共同为民众提供精神慰藉和医疗服务，这种跨界合作的例子，让我看到了传统信仰体系在面对现代社会挑战时所展现出的韧性与创造力。这本书让我深刻地体会到，理解亚洲的民间宗教，就必须理解其背后所承载的社会、历史、经济乃至地理环境的因素，这些因素共同塑造了信仰的形态，也决定了信仰如何在不同文化之间流转与互动。

评分☆☆☆☆☆

《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》给我带来的启发是多方面的，它不仅仅是一本关于宗教的书，更是一部关于文化生命力的生动写照。我尤其赞赏作者在处理“文化互动”这个核心概念时所展现的细腻与深刻。他并没有将文化间的互动简单地视为一种单向的“接受”或“征服”，而是强调了不同文化元素在接触过程中所产生的复杂化学反应——有时是并存，有时是选择性吸收，有时甚至是创造性的重塑。例如，书中关于东南亚地区“祖灵崇拜”与佛教融合的探讨，作者指出，祖灵作为连接过去与现在的纽带，在佛教传入后，其功能并未被完全取代，而是与佛教的因果报答、轮回转世等观念巧妙结合，形成了一种更为世俗化、更贴近民众生活的信仰实践。这种互动并非简单的叠加，而是深刻地影响了当地社会的伦理道德观念和家族传承的模式。我了解到，民间宗教的生命力往往体现在其强大的适应性和包容性上，它能够不断吸纳外来的影响，并将其转化为自身的一部分，从而在历史的长河中保持活力。

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这本《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》的封面设计就颇具匠心，一种淡淡的复古气息扑面而来，深邃的紫色背景下，点缀着几抹金色的祥云，中央是风格化的山水画，隐约可见寺庙的飞檐和人群的剪影。光是这封面，就足以勾起我对于东方古老信仰与文化交融的好奇心。我一直对不同文化背景下的民间信仰有着浓厚的兴趣，尤其是在亚洲这个多元文化交汇的土地上，信仰的传播与演变常常伴随着复杂的社会互动和历史变迁。我期待这本书能够深入探讨那些根植于民众日常生活的习俗、仪式，以及它们如何在不同民族、不同地域之间产生碰撞、融合，甚至催生出新的文化现象。比如，我很好奇作者是否会提及佛教在中南半岛的传播过程中，如何与当地原有的泛灵信仰相互渗透，形成了独特的“佛教世俗化”形态；或者在古代海上丝绸之路沿线，印度教、佛教以及其他宗教元素是如何随着商贸活动传播到东南亚，并在当地生根发芽，与本土文化激荡出怎样的火花。我尤其关注的是，这些民间信仰不仅仅是抽象的教条，更是渗透在衣食住行、婚丧嫁娶等方方面面的生动实践。它们如何塑造了当地人民的价值观、世界观，又如何反映了不同社会群体之间的权力关系和身份认同，这些都是我迫切想要在这本书中找到答案的。

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在阅读《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》的过程中，我仿佛置身于一个巨大的文化万花筒之中，每翻开一页，都能看到不同色彩、不同图案的文化碎片在巧妙地组合。这本书最大的亮点在于，它不拘泥于宏大的理论叙述，而是通过大量生动、具体的故事和案例，展现了亚洲民间宗教在实际生活中的脉络。比如，作者在描述印度尼西亚爪哇岛上，伊斯兰教与当地印度教、佛教以及原生信仰之间微妙的共存关系时，运用了大量的史料和田野调查的细节，展现了“瓦扬”（wayang）皮影戏如何承载着宗教故事和伦理教诲，以及在不同社群中扮演的不同角色。我印象最深刻的是，作者并非简单地描绘这些信仰的“表面现象”，而是试图去理解它们背后所蕴含的民众的心理需求、社会结构以及历史的演进。这种深入浅出的叙述方式，使得原本可能显得枯燥的历史和文化研究，变得引人入胜。我开始意识到，民间宗教并非是“落后”或“迷信”的代名词，而是承载着一个民族的集体记忆、情感寄托和精神追求的重要载体。

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阅读《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》的体验，简直像是在进行一场穿越时空的文化探险。作者的文字功底深厚，叙述的条理清晰，如同引导者一般，带领读者一步步深入亚洲民间宗教的神秘领域。我特别喜欢他对于那些具体案例的细致描绘，比如关于南海地区海神信仰的演变，从最初的神灵崇拜，到后来与佛教、道教的神祇结合，形成了一个庞杂但又充满生命力的信仰体系。作者并没有止步于简单的罗列，而是深入分析了这种融合背后的社会经济动因，例如海上贸易的兴盛如何促进了神祇的跨区域传播，以及不同社会阶层对于这些神灵的诉求如何影响了信仰的形态。此外，书中关于苗族傩祭的章节也令我印象深刻。傩祭作为一种古老的驱鬼仪式，在不同的苗族分支中呈现出多样的表现形式，作者通过对比分析，揭示了即使是同一个民族内部，由于地理隔离和与外界交流的差异，民间信仰也会产生微妙的变异。他强调了这些仪式并非静止不变的传统，而是与环境、社会变迁息息相关的动态过程，这种视角让我对民间信仰有了更深刻的理解。